The Traditional Chinese Family & Lineage

Definition

The traditional Chinese family, or jiā 家 (colloquial: jiātíng 家庭), called a "chia" by a few English writers, was a patrilineal, patriarchal, prescriptively virilocal kinship group sharing a common household budget and normatively extended in form. It was not the same thing as a descent line, lineage or clan.

This means:

Patrilineal

The term means that descent was calculated through men.

A person was descended from both a mother and a father, of course, but one inherited one's family membership from one's father. China was extreme in that a woman was quite explicitly removed from the family of her birth (her niángjiā 娘家) and affiliated to her husband's family (her pójiā 婆家), a transition always very clearly symbolized in local marriage customs, despite their variation from one region to another.

Reverence was paid to ancestors (zŭxiān 祖先). For men his referred to his male ancestors and their wives. For a woman it referred two her male ancestors and their wives only a couple of generations up, but was extended also to all of her husband's male ancestors and their wives.

In popular belief ancestors depended upon the living for this reverence, usually seen as provisioning them with sacrificial food, literally feeding them, and therefore the failure to produce, or, if necessary, adopt male offspring was considered an immoral behaviour or, if accidental, a great misfortune. In popular religion, people without male descendants to look after them tended to be thought of as potentially dangerous ghosts.

Patriarchal

The term means that the family is hierarchically organized, with the prime institutionalized authority being vested in the senior-most male.

No two members of a Chinese family were equal in authority. Officially at least, senior generations were superior to junior generations, older people were superior to younger ones, and men were superior to women. Normatively (that is, in what most people thought of as the ideal form), a family would be headed by a man who was older and/or of more senior generation than anybody else.

In actual practice, there is no known family system in which members do not contribute to the collective welfare and decision making, with their differential knowledge, perspectives, and skills. Thus patriarchy is a ""jural norm", but is differentially salient in different families. Obviously, personality has much to do with how the members of a family actually behave. In China there were always families dominated by women, old people whose lives were run by their children, and so on, just as elsewhere.

Family hierarchy was very emphatically symbolized in the concept of xiào 孝 (colloquial: xiàoshùn 孝順), which is usually translated "filial piety", but is more accurately rendered "filial subordination". When wills clashed, it was expected (and legally enforced) that the will of a family superior should prevail over the will of a family inferior. traditional law held a child's insubordination to a parent to be a capital offence, and a daughter-in-law's insubordination to her parents-in-law grounds for divorce. Acts of heroic sacrifice in the support of one's parents are the commonest and most important genre of Chinese moral tales.

Prescriptively Virilocal

The term means that there was a strongly held preference and expectation that a newly married couple should live with the groom's family.

It was considered ideal for all men in a family to marry and bring their wives to live on the family estate, and for all women born to a family to marry and go out to live with their husbands. The change of families was of course a defining event in the life of a woman, and the traditional, even prescriptive, sentiment was great sorrow at leaving her girlhood home, only sometimes mitigated by a sense of adventure or excitement about assuming her new status as married woman. In some parts of western China there is a tradition of women's musical lamentations on this theme, and the days leading up to marriage may be celebrated with carefully structured sessions of ritualized sobbing involving the bride-to-be and her unmarried friends or younger sisters.

In actual fact, sometimes a family lacked the resources to support additional personnel. A man with two daughters whose income derived from carting goods in a wheelbarrow had little chance of becoming the head of a unit with sons and married-in daughters-in-law, after all. Thus many other arrangements in fact were found.

Sometimes - probably in about twenty percent of all marriages - the groom in fact went to live with the wife's family. This practice is called uxorilocality. Sometimes this was merely a matter of economic convenience, but often it was because the wife's family had no son, and the son-in-law was accepted in lieu of a son, sometimes changing his surname (which was an act of disgraceful unfiliality towards his own parents, if living) or more often promising that the first son born to the marriage would take the name of the wife's father.

Because uxorilocality broke the cultural prescription for virilocality, it was considered a last resort, and uxorilocal husbands were viewed with suspicion and scorn. An uxorilocal marriage was disparaged as a "backward-growing sprout" (dăozhù miáo 倒住苗), and a man who married uxorilocally was referred to as a "superfluous husband" (zhuìxù 贅婿), even though he was, obviously, considered necessary.

Kinship Group

The "kinship" part of this means that members of the family were related genealogically (i.e. either by having common ancestors or by being married). The "group" part means that they had known boundaries and shared activities or resources with each other that they did not share with outsiders.

A family is not a household. A household included whoever lived in the same building, which might mean tenants, servants, apprentices, sometimes a resident priest, or whoever. Although a household is a useful census unit, and can be used as a proxy for families if one has data on households and not on families, it is not the same thing.

Just as a household can incorporate people who are not part of the family, the family can incorporate people who are not part of the household. Many Chinese throughout history have lived for longer or shorter periods away from the families. Shorter separations might involve living during the summer in a small shed to protect fields from the theft of irrigation water, for example, or travelling over the countryside as a peddler. Longer separations might occur if a member went away to serve in the army or to study or to set up a business in another location.

Despite this close and rather legalistic definition of a family as a kinship group, the word could also be extended metaphorically, as in English, to refer to all relatives.

Membership in a family was sometimes accorded people by adoption. In cases where a couple had no son, an "extra" son of a close relative might be adopted, although there was wide variation between families in the extent to which the child was actually assimilated into family life. Less often a son might be adopted from a distant relative. In most regions at most periods, it was considered undesirable to adopt a son from an unrelated family, but the practice was in fact by no means uncommon, even when it was considered unfortunate.

It was not unusual for friends of roughly the same age to swear oaths of fidelity to each other that brought them into a relationship of sworn brotherhood (or less frequently sworn sisterhood). In theory, and occasionally in practice, such alliances were honoured by families as creating family ties, although never, to my knowledge, was the assimilation of sworn siblings actually complete enough to change official genealogies.

Sharing a Common Household Budget

This means that the possessions, income, and expenses of all family members were pooled, and decisions about resource distribution were the legitimate business of all family members, and were ultimately taken through the patriarchal authority structure of the family.

It has been convincingly argued that the common budget is one of the most important defining characteristics of Chinese families. One effect of this custom is to define who is in or out of a family by means other than kinship. Kinship makes one a potential member of a family. But close kinsmen can be in different families if the family has decided to stop sharing a budget.

Sharing a budget is a strictly economic way of viewing what families shared, but sharing went beyond that. In the religious sphere, families tended to share luck. A family in which one members was chronically sick while another had bad habits and a third tended to make bad investments might seek to treat all of these as symptoms of a single ill, the harmony of the family as a whole.

Family division (fēnjiā 分家) is therefore a critical event. When family members decided that their union had become economically or socially unviable, they would agree to a division of the family's resources and the creation of financially separate new families. Typically this occurred after the death of a senior generation had left two brothers and their wives and children as a common economic unit. Although there might be natural affection between the brothers, differences in their economic productivity and differences in the numbers of their children often led to arguments that were most easily solved by family division. A usual mediator would be a sympathetic but disinterested third party, traditionally the brother of one of the older married-in women, and usually a conact woutrld commit the agreements to writing. While memory of the old, united family was still fresh, each of the new units tended to be called a "segment" (fèn 份).

Because of the cultural value placed on family unity, size, cooperation, and mutual support, family division was always considered an unfortunate event.

The family as an economic unit was symbolized by the stove, and at division the new units would always maintain separate stoves, even if it meant somebody cooked on a small charcoal burner in the courtyard of the same house everyone continued to occupy.

Notice that, since the family was the unit of ownership (even down to the level of sharing toothbrushes), there was nothing that quite corresponded to inheritance. An important debate emerged early in the 20^th century as western-inspired law sought to guarantee inheritance for women as well as for men. This was strongly resisted by many tradition-minded Chinese, who argued that there was no such thing as inheritance, and that women were provided for in the traditional scheme in that they were part of the families and segments to which their husbands belonged. One effect of switching from corporate ownership to individual inheritance and of including married daughters as legitimate inheritors from their parents would logically be the greater segmentation of land into ever smaller fields with different ownership. As events actually unfolded, land was subject to other redistributive schemes throughout the 20^th century, so that the issue of inheritance tended to recede into the background.

Ancestor veneration is a fundamental duty of every Chinese, and this follows genealogical lines. Accordingly family division had no effect on the need to engage in ancestor worship. At family division a slightly larger share of property is accorded one party, traditionally the oldest son if there is one, to cover the costs of ancestral sacrifices and of housing the shared ancestral tablets. When possible cadet lines will assemble at the altar of the senior line on occasions requiring ancestor worship. Occasionally, and controversially, cadet lines unable to send representatives to the senior altar would make copies of the tablets for worship off-site.

Although individual ancestor worship was more or less inevitable for ancestors actually remembered, it tended to become more casual for those who had faded from memory. Importantly, ancestors from whom one had not inherited economic goods were soon forgotten, and their cult folded into the general sacrifices offered to ancestors in general on a calendar schedule that varied from place to place and period to period.

Normatively Extended in Form

This means that it ideally included a descent line of men and their wives and children. The usual Chinese term was simply "big family" (dàjiā 大家 , colloquial: dàjiātíng 大家庭), which is somewhat less precise than the English term, which is sometimes placed in contrast to "stem family" to provide a technical term for cross-cultural application.)

As envisioned by those inclined to sentimentalize about it, the ideal Chinese family might be headed by an ancient patriarch and his wife, and include their five sons and their wives, and the children of all these people, including perhaps some adult sons who already had wives, but excluding any daughters who had married out and become members of other families.

Since the population of China was increasing only very slightly or not at all through most of Chinese history, the average number of sons that a married couple had was in fact only slightly more than one. When there was a second son, there was tremendous pressure to make the lad available to a relative who had no son at all or to provide him as an uxorilocal husband, and heir, to a friend who had no son. Thus in most cases, a family could not include two adult brothers.

Since throughout most of Chinese history the mean age at death was quite low, and one's sixtieth birthday was an object of awesome celebration, it was unusual for elderly people to live to see their grandchildren grow to adulthood. Thus although three-generation families were common, four-generation families were rare, and five-generation families truly remarkable. (In funerals of elderly people, it was conventional to write the number of generations they had spawned on funeral lanterns, usually adding a couple of generations to make it sound better.)

Hence although Chinese families were normatively extended, and although many Chinese spent at least some years living in families of considerable complexity, it was unusual for a family to conform to the ideal image of a truly large group of relatives living together and sharing a budget. Mean family size in most villages was between four and five people./p<>

A distinction should be made between a descent line, a lineage, and a clan (which, in the case of China, is more conveniently called a surname group). In Chinese all three entities can be called a zú 族 (colloquial jiāzú 家族), which tends to add to confusion. (Caution: The zú 族 that refers to a descent group is different from the zŭ 祖 that refers to an ancestor.)

In each case, the fundamental concept is that a person (male or female) is "descended" from a succession of ancestors. Although this normally means being the son or daughter of a parent, it is possible to be adopted into (or ejected from) a descent line; what is at issue is social classification, not biology.

Chinese descent is patrilineal, which means that descent was calculated through male links only (the same way that surnames have traditionally descended through male links only in Euro-American society). My ancestors are my father, father's father, father's fathers father, &c. Although wives of male ancestors are considered also to be ancestors, a person's mothers mother's mother's mother's mother, for example, is not an ancestor in a patrilineal descent system.

A distinctive feature of traditional Chinese patrilineal descent is that a woman, at marriage, is assumed to be removed from her own descent line (except for the acknowledgement of her immediate parents and grandparents) and assimilated into her husband's descent line. (In most patrilineal descent systems around the world, a person keeps his or her affiliation throughout life.)

Patrilineal Descent Line (or Patriline)

A patrilineal descent line is the line of fathers and sons making up all of my male ancestors. In theory I can regard it as going back to an atomic globule, or as starting at any ancestor and continuing down to me. I can also regard it as continuing down through my sons, their sons, their sons, and so on.

One characteristic of a descent line is that there is only one person per generation when I count up (since a person has only one father), but there may be many people per generation looking down (since a person may have many sons).

Another characteristic is that all ancestral generations successfully produced children - that is where I came from - but descending generations may or may not produce sons: any descent line has the prospect of dying out in the future.

Since any man, ancestral or descendant, may have a brother, and since the brothers of my ancestors are not ancestors to me, there are any number of "collateral" lines made up of their descendants. My father's brother's son (my patrilateral parallel cousin, in anthropological jargon) is a collateral to because I have one ancestor (my father) not shared with him.

Patrilineal Lineage (or Patrilineage)

A patrilineage is an organized group of descendants of a single, specific ancestor. The ancestor is referred to as an "apical" ancestor because he is at the "apex" of the genealogy by which the lineage membership is determined, and the descent links to this person are known, or anyway written in a genealogy where they can be looked up.

In China, as in other lineage systems, it was, and is regarded as incestuous to marry, or mate with a member of the same lineage.

In China a woman is a member of her father's lineage at birth, but a marriage she is transferred to her husband's lineage. As noted, cross-culturally this is an extremely unusual arrangement. One effect of it is that it is usual for all members of the same family to be members of the same lineage. In most lineage systems around the world, members of the same family belong to different lineages. Women did not usually participate in lineage worship, however, and their level of interest in lineages was far less than that of men.

Lineages were an optional feature of Chinese social structure. Although every person by definition had a descent line, organized lineage groups were nearly universal in some periods and regions, particularly the Cantonese-speaking world, but a rarity in others.

Where they existed, lineages owned property. In some cases this consisted of little more than an ancestral hall, or a few fields that were rented out to provide income used for the worship of shared ancestors. In other cases lineages had substantial holdings, and could afford to maintain loan funds, catastrophe insurance, student scholarships, or even schools for the benefit of lineage members.

Because lineage membership had potential benefits, most lineages maintained written genealogies, which began with their apical ancestor and then included all lines descended from him.

The prime collective activity of a lineage was ancestor worship, and whatever else it did, it always did this. Many a lineage would maintain a modest, or occasionally pretentious "hall" (táng 堂) for this purpose, usually with provision for the permanent storage of ancestral tablets. The commonest procedure was for members to move tablets from family altars to the lineage hall as the tablets got older. In some regions there was a general rule about this - tablets over five generations old would be moved, for example. In other regions tablets would be moved in whenever the hall was rehabilitated. In some cases members who wanted to put tablets in the hall would pay for the privilege, the income going to the maintenance of the hall.

Because lineages were based on kinship, and because different descent lines from the apical ancestor may have fared differently with the passing of generations, many lineages cross-cut social classes. To the extent that richer members tended to provide lineage resources which were used by poorer members, this tended to recycle wealth and reduce social class difference, but it also potentially alienated the rich members from the lineages as these organizations began to be a financial drain. "Anti-poor" measures sometimes required the payment of fees for the enjoyment of full lineage benefits.

At times and places where lineages have been strong, they have sometimes been charged by the government with local governmental functions ranging from tax collection to dispute settlement or defence. There is a tradition of lineages supplementing their genealogical documents with "family instructions" (ji>āshùn 家順), moral injunctions by elderly members passed down to their descendants, sometimes with rules for the conduct of lineage business.

Lineages lost face if their members engaged in illegal or immoral acts, and they had provisions both to punish errant members and, if necessary, to eject members and expunge their names from the written genealogies.

Lineages sought to promote the welfare of their members, and since this may be at the expense of non-members, conflict between lineages was not unusual. In areas and at times when lineages have been strong, local warfare has been an occasional result. Even when open violence does not occur, there is a tendency for residence with lineage-mates to be more comfortable in such cases. The result is the existence of single-lineage villages, or villages where most residents are members of a single dominant lineage.

Lineages could not divide, like families, but since any ancestor could be taken as the apical ancestor of a new lineage, the work-around for lineage division was for a dissident group to contribute property as an endowment of a new lineage centred on a lower-level ancestor whose descendants included "the right people" and excluded "the wrong people". When Lineage B was centred on a genealogically lower apical ancestor than Lineage A was (i.e. when the apical ancestor of Lineage A was an ancestor of the apical ancestor of Lineage B), Lineage B was said to be a "branch" (fāng 方) of Lineage A. The same vocabulary is sometimes used of multi-household families.

Lineages have, at least in concept, been prestigious (except briefly under the Communist regime), and few Chinese willingly concede that the system is not universal in China, even though it patently is not. In some cases, this derives from confusing lineages with clans. Indeed the "lineage system" was so frail by the time the Communists came to power that no official steps needed to be taken to end such organized lineages as remained.

Clan

A clan, as the term is used today by anthropologists, is a wannabe lineage. That is to say, it is a property-holding group made up of descendants of an apical ancestor, but the details of the descent lines from that ancestor are unknown. In some cases the ancestor is clearly mythical or non-human.

In China, clans were created on the basis of common surname, usually asserting common descent from an ancient person of that name.

Although some such surname groups were exclusive, considering themselves to be fāng of an imaginary greater clan, and thereby excluding some people of the same surname, more commonly they were inclusive, and anybody of the same surname could potentially participate.

Clans provided a way in which Chinese who travelled away from their home regions could locate putative kinsmen and procure assistance from them if necessary. In the expansion of Chinese from north of the Yángzi River into the southern half of China, and later in the migration of Chinese from China into southeast Asia and other parts of the world, a fundamental mutual-aid device has been the same-surname association.

Although worship of the apical ancestor occurs in clans, the lack of genealogical records successfully linking other members and branches to each other makes more specific ancestor worship less common (even potentially embarrassing in some cases), and clans are inevitably centred on the mutual protection and shared risk functions of lineages more than on ancestor worship.

Circumstances

Not all Chinese were able to live in family groups. Flood, fire, famine, war, banditry, plague, infertility, flight from the law, madness, and wilful disregard for social mores were all reasons why some individuals might be left alone to wander the world without family ties.

Attitudes

People outside of families were usually regarded with a mixture of pity, suspicion, and contempt. They were unable to attain positions of economic security or social prestige, and tend to live at the margins of society as prostitutes, beggars, and casual labourers, so far as historians can determine.

Monasteries

The principal exception was the world of Buddhist monasticism. On the one hand individuals might take vows (and receive initiatory scars that made the vows difficult to reverse) that removed them from their original families (if any) and affiliated them in perpetuity to the Buddhist clergy as monks and nuns. A fully ordained monk or nun received the mock surname Shì 釋, the first syllable of the full name of the Shakyamuni Buddha, Shìjiāmóuní 釋迦牟尼. He or she took on the burden of offering "ancestral" reverence to a line of earlier clerics, and was in turn to be reverenced on temple ancestral altars by a line of later ones.

Fully ordained clerics were permitted to change monasteries as will, in theory, and carried their ordination papers with them so that they could be fitted into monastic hierarchies wherever they went. Life was no picnic for them - on the contrary they were permitted to own nothing and were held by their vows and by the authority of their abbots to hundreds of behavioural restrictions. They usually worked hard in monastic gardens or in the performance of liturgy. However they had the consolation that they were gaining religious merit, and they seldom starved.

In addition to ordained clerics, monastic establishments also were home to unmarriageable people, wandering children, battered women, and other people who did not take full vows, but had no place else to go, or in some cases simply preferred the ambiance of the monastery. The most important categories were abandoned children assimilated under the general term "small disciples" xiăo shāmí 小沙彌, and unwed, divorced or abandoned women, who took partial reversible vows and were usually called zhāigū 齋孤. Zhāigū were not permitted to change monasteries at will and tended to work as servants in the monastic establishments.

Finally monasteries sometimes served as hospices for the disfigured, diseased, and dying, as insane asylums, and in general as shelters for people unable to care for themselves. In all parts of the world care for such people in pre-modern societies was shocking to modern understandings, but Chinese Buddhists did what they could, even if it was not much.

Values

Did these people have the same values about families that other Chinese held? One study based on interviews in the 1970s with Hakka-speaking nuns and prostitutes in Taiwan found that in general they did share general Chinese values about families, and they also shared the general social view of themselves as tragic failures. In most cases their life stories involved grinding poverty, premature deaths, abusive husbands, family alcoholism, and a host of other untoward circumstances. The same interviews collectively seemed to imply, but not to demonstrate that women who had once been driven to prostitution may have tended to become zhāigū later in life.

One does not teach about the traditional Chinese family life to sexually enthusiastic California college students without being asked whether the Chinese nation can't be retroactively compelled (perhaps by armed intervention) to stop using matchmakers and whether there were homosexual alternatives to married life. The answers are no and no, in that order. This section elaborates on marriage, the following one on sexuality.

Arranged Marriage

traditional Chinese marriage was not the free union of two young adults to establish a new household. It was the movement of a woman from her natal family to her married family and her assimilation into the new family as an economically productive member of the family corporation and the mother of her husband's children.

In thinking about the social structural constraints on this, it is more useful to think of her as a newly hired corporate employee than as being like a Western bride. She depended upon her parents or other favourably inclined people to find her the best "job" possible, and the family "hiring" her was worried to be sure to get the best "worker" available. As with all things else, the final decision lay with the hierarchically senior decision maker in each family, although as a practical matter the most important voice in making the decision was that of the parents of the potential groom or bride.

Matchmakers

Although friends and relations were constantly alert for possible mates for young boys and girls, sometimes professional help was required (particularly if one had an only marginally marriageable kid on one's hands), and professional matchmakers (méirén 媒人) were a constant feature of the Chinese social scene. They still exist today.

Divorce

Late imperial family law, based on earlier moral and legal codes, provided seven grounds for divorce and three protections against divorce, and it is easy to understand them by thinking of the corporate model just mentioned. In essence. the new family member had to prove herself a valuable team player, capable of doing the job for which she was recruited, of getting on with the other members of the family, and of advancing, or anyway not hindering family interests. When she had been in a family for a reasonable period, she was "off probation" and could no longer be divorced. In this light, look at the list:

Seven Reasons for Divorce (qīchū 七出)

Seven Blocks Preventing Divorce(qībùchū 七不出)

This famous list is taken from Manuel du Code Chinois by Le P. Guy Boulais, La Mission Catholique, Shanghai 1924. p. 301. The Chinese expressions are not quite those used in the law code, but rather are those used in an earlier document to which the law code alludes. The differences are trivial.

traditional Chinese society was as prudish about sex as any other society, but since the population reproduced itself nobody was fooled by the rhetoric. The Confucian position was that sex properly occurred between married people and was for the purpose of producing heirs. Beyond that it was undignified. The Taoist position was that it was probably dangerous. The Buddhist position was that it tended to distract one from the business of improving one's karma. No respectable philosophical school advocated unrestrained whoopie-making.

Sexual Intercourse

Sexual intercourse was traditionally considered dangerous for men, since they lost semen, identified as a man's "yáng-essence" and thought to be a non-renewable resource necessary for life, a belief that is still widespread. Taoist longevity exercises involve attempts to avoid ejaculation and instead recirculate semen through meditation up the spine and into the top of the head.

Folklore includes tales of lonely scholars seduced by maidens who turn out to be yáng-sucking she-devils, often transformations of dreaded fairies whose real form is that of the fox. It is not clear what level of worry the fear of loss of one's yáng essence would have stimulated in most young men - the introduction of an unknown bride into the life of a young groom may have been especially traumatic for some because of this belief - but at least it was clear that rampant promiscuity was not something that should be boasted of among folklorists.

Infanticide & Its Alternatives

Contraception and abortion were both practiced, but both were dangerous and unreliable. Since boys could carry on the family descent line and girls could not, boys were considered more valuable children, and if families simply could not afford additional mouths to feed, they sometimes killed newborn infants when it was discovered that they were female. This practice that was considered outrageous, and various religious and other moral societies carried out a constant propaganda war against it, but the grinding poverty that underlay the custom was widely acknowledged, and was inevitably the pretext provided by families who practiced it.

When an unwanted additional girl was not killed, she might be redistributed to a wealthier family to work as a serving girl, or be transferred to a poor family where she would be raised to become the eventual wife of a son, thus avoiding the cost of engagement and wedding presents. Such an "adopted daughter-in-law" was called a "child-raised daughter-in-law" (tóngyăngxí 童養媳) in most parts of China . The custom seems to have been most widespread in Taiwan at the end of the Qīng dynasty. Taiwanese adopted daughters-in-law are frequently discussed in English-language anthropology based especially on the research of Arthur Wolf, who calls them "sim-pua", derived from the Hokkien term sim-pū-á, "little daughter-in-law" used in Taiwan .

Extramarital Sex & Homosexuality

Since marriages were by arrangement, sexual attraction was at best a very secondary consideration. A woman was not free to engage in extramarital sexual liaisons, although of course they did occur sometimes, since children she might bear were to be the heirs of the family. However there was no similar constraint on men, whose extra-marital sexual affairs were usually regarded as unfortunate but significant only if they threatened to drain the family wealth away from legitimate claimants.

This view comprehended both heterosexual and homosexual affairs, it appears, and some of the warm friendships and sworn brotherhoods celebrated in Chinese folklore and history were probably homosexual relationships. Although it was not feasible for homosexuals to establish marriages and households together, their frequent contact was ignored so long as their familial obligations were also observed.

I do not know of a study of family values among Chinese homosexuals similar to the one mentioned among prostitutes and nuns; my guess is that family values in this group would have looked entirely mainstream.